Valerio O., a former senior public affairs manager for Huawei in Brussels, once navigated the European Union’s labyrinthine institutions with ease. Today, he finds himself at the centre of a wide-ranging investigation into alleged corruption, in which authorities are examining whether the line between lobbying and bribery was crossed.
In a series of confessions made to Belgian authorities earlier this year, and seen by Euractiv and its Belgian partners De Standaard and Le Vif, the lobbyist outlined how the Chinese tech giant sought to influence EU policy by leveraging connections, alleged payments through intermediaries, and subtle gestures of gratitude – including champagne, luxury hotels, and football tickets. His testimony is now central to a broader, ongoing investigation into lobbying practices in Europe’s de facto capital, which remains at a preliminary stage. No individuals and entities mentioned have been indicted yet and all are presumed innocent.
The case has quickly become one of the most revealing corruption probes in EU history – and potentially more far-reaching than the so-called Qatargate scandal, which saw European lawmakers accused of accepting cash and gifts from Gulf state operatives.
While Qatargate cast a spotlight on foreign cash in the Parliament’s corridors, the Huawei affair draws attention to more institutionalised methods of influence: lobbying consultancies, political networks, and the fine-tuned machinery that underpins policy advocacy in Brussels.
At its core is a system that legalises access, masks money flows, and operates in the grey zone between diplomacy, lobbying, and corporate strategy. Belgian prosecutors are now testing where lawful representation ends – and illicit influence begins. So far, eight people (including Valerio O.) have been preliminarily charged with participating in a criminal organisation, money laundering, or corruption. Authorities conducted a series of raids in 21 locations across three countries in connection with the case.
Huawei has not been charged with any offence and denies instructing employees to break the law. A spokesperson for the company in Belgium said it “regrettably found out that two of its employees acted in breach of company policies and applicable local laws”. The spokesperson added that the company has cooperated with judicial authorities and terminated the contracts of the individuals involved.
A lawyer representing Valerio O. declined to comment. The Belgian prosecutor’s office declined to comment on an ongoing investigation.
From parliament aide to lobbying insider
With his slick hair and Colgate smile, Valerio O. was adept at opening doors in the European Parliament. Before joining Huawei as a senior lobbyist he had spent a decade as a parliamentary assistant to MEPs, learning to navigate the ropes of the Brussels political scene. That network – cultivated over years of late-night votes, dinners, and cocktail hours – was exactly what Huawei needed as it faced growing hostility in Europe, Valerio O. told investigators.
By late 2020, Huawei had become toxic.
Mounting US pressure and rising European concerns over Huawei’s links to Beijing culminated that same year in Brussels with a letter signed by 41 MEPs urging the Commission to bar high-risk vendors like Huawei and its Chinese competitor ZTE from EU funding. At the time, the initiative was seen as defending the interests of Huawei’s European rival Nokia.
According to Valerio O.’s statement to police, his superior at Huawei reacted angrily. He claims the company responded by encouraging a counter-effort that led to lawmakers drafting and signing a new letter – known internally as the “5G Letter” – which was sent in February 2021 to Commissioners Margrethe Vestager, Thierry Breton, and Valdis Dombrovskis. The letter, which did not name Huawei directly, called for non-discriminatory treatment in 5G infrastructure decisions and warned against “technological racism”.
Valerio O. told investigators that the letter was coordinated at Huawei’s request and drafted by Italian MEP Fulvio Martusciello and his former assistant turned-lobbyist, Nuno W.M.
Valerio O. claimed that efforts to promote the letter – including rallying additional signatories of fellow lawmakers ahead of its publication – were tied to payments to Martusciello through third-party consultancies and his former assistant, Nuno W.M.. These claims remain unproven.
Payments and proxies
Invoices reviewed by Belgian authorities indicate that Huawei contractors paid €45,590 to lobbyist Nuno W.M. for “consultancy” and “stakeholder mapping” services. Following that, Nuno W.M sent at least €6,700 to MEP Fulvio Martusciello, €1,000 to his assistant in Naples, and nearly €15,000 to a Brussels-based aide identified as Adam M, according to an arrest warrant signed by the investigative judge in charge of the case. The police is still investigating the legal significance of these transfers as part of a possible corruption scheme. Both Nuno W.M. and Adam M. deny any wrongdoing and are not under arrest.
“It’s just a façade, this ‘consultancy services’,” Valerio O. told investigators, alleging that Huawei deliberately kept its name off financial transactions. “They use intermediaries. Huawei never takes risks,” he claimed.
Italian MEP Fulvio Martusciello – a longtime member of Forza Italia – has firmly denied any wrongdoing. “I coordinated and signed the so-called ‘5G Letter’ because I sincerely believed it addressed a legitimate and important issue,” he said, adding that he never requested or received compensation for any political activity. He also noted that he had publicly shared the letter on one of his social media accounts “in full transparency”, though the post has since been deleted.
In his testimony to Belgian anti-corruption investigators, Valerio O. alleged that Martusciello was part of a group of lawmakers who, in his view, engaged in habitual corrupt practices. “He doesn’t do anything for free,” Valerio O. said. “He’s part of the group of MEPs for whom corruption is in their DNA. When they see an opportunity, they seize it.”
According to Valerio O.’s testimony to Belgian investigators, Martusciello was not only involved in drafting the so-called “5G Letter” but also played a role in securing additional signatories. “This guy told me to tell my bosses his help had a price… The price would depend on the number of signatories,” Valerio O. claimed. He further stated that when he passed this message on to his Huawei superior, the response was brief: “OK, go.”
These allegations have not been substantiated. Belgian prosecutors have submitted a request to lift Martusciello’s parliamentary immunity. No such requests have been made regarding other signatories of the letter.
Champagne, football and influence
The gifts didn’t stop with letters, according to Valerio O’s testimony. On his computer, the police found a file marked “Christmas Gifts”, which sorted EU officials by perceived value. The ex-Huawei lobbyist alleged top-tier targets received bottles of champagne; others got ‘Rituals’ skincare boxes, all below €150 – the threshold set by the Parliament’s ethics rules. In practice, Valerio O. admitted, most of the champagne never made it past his own fridge.
More effective, he claimed, were hospitality perks: seats in the corporate box of RSC Anderlecht football stadium – acquired for €50,000 a year, where guests enjoyed white wine and hamburgers, he told police. Investigators found that invitees included MEPs Nicola Minchev, Daniel Attar and another former MEP – whom Euractiv is not naming at this time. Huawei’s image was so damaged, Valerio O. said, that these events were often the only way to get a meeting.
Belgian prosecutors have requested the lifting of parliamentary immunity for both Minchev and Attard in connection with the broader investigation.
Contacted by Euractiv and its partners, Attard, a Maltese socialist, and Minchev, a Bulgarian liberal, acknowledged attending a match at the Anderlecht stadium, but said they were unaware the invitation came from Huawei.
The former MEP said they attended “as a private person” and added: “I didn’t see – and still don’t see – anything objectionable about it.” They emphasised that they have never accepted any “illicit favours”, particularly not in exchange for influencing their professional decisions.
None of the activities described – such as the gifts or hospitality – are necessarily illegal, and the investigation remains at an early stage. All individuals mentioned are presumed innocent.
Belgian authorities are now investigating whether more extravagant perks – such as tech gadgets or high-end travel – crossed the line into illicit inducements. One standout case mentioned by Valerio O. is a dinner with an MEP – whom Euractiv is not naming at this time – in Barcelona. The bill: €803. Days later, that amount was reimbursed to the MEP by a Huawei-linked entity, Valerio O claimed. The MEP did not respond to multiple requests for comment and the Huawei-linked entity declined to comment.
Subcontracted influence, southern strategy
According to Valerio O., Huawei strategically focused its lobbying efforts on several southern European countries, where it sought to strengthen political ties and mitigate reputational damage.
He said that in early 2024, at least two sitting MEPs were invited by Huawei to the Mobile World Congress in Barcelona, with travel and accommodation allegedly covered by the same Huawei-linked entity. One of the pair, according to Valerio O., received business-class flights and a hotel suite for them and their partner valued at €1,000 per night.
That MEP, who has since stepped down and whom Euractiv is not naming at this early stage of the investigation, confirmed attending the event with a family member but stated they paid for their own travel. They described the trip as an official mission that was declared in accordance with parliamentary rules and publicly reported.
In his testimony, Valerio O. alleged that Huawei was able to exert influence in certain national delegations within EU institutions more easily than in Brussels. “If Huawei wants to place amendments, they can do it through embassies where we walk in like stars,” he said.
He further claimed that in one member state Huawei gained access to early versions of legislative proposals after pledging to invest in a manufacturing facility – presenting what he described as a “wishlist” directly to diplomatic representatives.
The embassies concerned did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
Asked why he had not deleted incriminating documents, Valerio O. said: “I kept everything in case the Chinese turned on me. “
In March 2025, after Belgian police raided 21 locations across three countries. Valerio O. was arrested at his home. Huawei severed ties with him three weeks later.
Since then, Valerio O. has been cooperating with investigators – providing commentary, naming names, and handing over files. “The more I talk, the more I know I’m damaging my employer,” he told the judge.
Turning on the system
Valerio O. also directed accusations at others he claims are involved.
He went on to name additional entities, individuals, including a former EU official whom he disparaged as “an ultra-crooked lobbyist” – no charges have been brought against them and they haven’t been involved in the case.
Valerio O. also described shortcomings in his own work, saying he sometimes falsified meeting minutes or exaggerated his role and influence internally.
“I was always the showman,” he told investigators. “The more you act like a big shot, the more you get paid.”
As the investigation continues to unfold, Belgian prosecutors are now preparing additional interviews and awaiting decisions on requests to lift the parliamentary immunity of four MEPs. A trial remains a possibility, though the case is still in a preliminary phase.
In his testimony, Valerio O. offered a bleak assessment of the broader political environment in Brussels. “Those MEPs have a PhD in corruption,” he told investigators. “The whole Parliament is corrupt. It’s sensitive, but it’s part of the system.”
A spokesperson for the European Parliament declined to comment on the specifics of the ongoing investigation but said the institution maintains “a policy of zero tolerance towards corruption and fraud,” is cooperating fully with judicial authorities, and has recently reinforced its “integrity rules, financial declarations, and due diligence procedures”. They added that these measures are “already delivering results”.
(mk, jp, vc)
